'Against the tide': Australian government attitudes to decolonisation in the South Pacific, 1962-1972

This article is a study of the attitudes of Australian government ministers and officials towards the decolonisation of the Pacific island colonial territories in the decade from 1962 to 1972. It argues that the Australian state was very slow to recognise and understand that the winds of change would also sweep through the South Pacific and see the emergence of many new island nations by 1980.

The Reverend Setareki Tuilovoni: mobile pacific leader in the decolonisation era

Setareki Tuilovoni was made the first Indigenous president of the Fijian Methodist church in 1964. This paper gives a biographical account with particular focus on his experiences overseas and how these shaped his approach to creating a united Methodist church at home, and a united Christian fellowship throughout the Pacific by means of regional church bodies. Because Tuilovoni had been present in America and Africa at pivotal points in the struggles for civil rights and decolonisation, his ideas were shaped by his mobility, and this in turn influenced his work to redefine the church in a decolonising Pacific, paving the way for moderate voices in the postcolonial church.

Staking a truth claim : Constructing a document in two laws

The documentary 'Two Laws' constitutes a legal document in support of the Borroloola claim to their land and contributes to the decolonisation of the images of Aboriginal Australia, which have circulated within ethnographic cinema, television journalism and fiction film. The 'two laws' of the film's title refer to white law and 'the Law', the system which regulates Borroloola social interactions and relationships with the land.

Australia and East Timor : elitism, pragmatism and the national interest

For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a ‘prickly’ issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice? It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence ‘Doc’ Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites’ regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics. The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australia’s national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to ‘shore up’ the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial. Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response? Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion? Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites’ attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.

The case of children's literature : colonial or anti-colonial?

Since Jacqueline Rose published The Case of Peter Pan in 1984, scholars in the field of children’s literature have taken up a rhetorical stance which treats child readers as colonised, and children’s books as a colonising site. This article takes issue with Rose’s rhetoric of colonisation and its deployment by scholars, arguing that it is tainted by logical and ethical flaws. Rather, children’s literature can be a site of decolonisation which revisions the hierarchies of value promoted through colonisation and its aftermath by adopting what Bill Ashcroft refers to as tactics of interpolation. To illustrate how decolonising strategies work in children’s texts, the article considers several alphabet books by Indigenous author-illustrators from Canada and Australia, arguing that these texts for very young children interpolate colonial discourses by valorising minority languages and by attributing to English words meanings produced within Indigenous cultures.

Intellectual property rights in indigenous cultural heritage : basic concepts and continuing controversies

The developments at international level in the debate on what intellectual property (IP) lawyers refer to as traditional cultural expressions (TCEs) have to be seen in the context of the decolonisation movements after the Second World War. Post-war developments saw the formation of the United Nations (UN) and the emphasis on human rights in the UN Charter. With this emphasis came development programmes for indigenous peoples and the recognition of indigenous rights in the ILO Convention No. 107 of the 1957 Concerning the Protection and Intergration of Indigenous and Other Tribal and Semi-Tribal Populations in the Independant Countries. The decolonisation movements also initiated or renewed a parallel debate about the repatriation of items of cultural heritage. There was a remarkable shift in this discussion from 'cultural heritage of mankind' to cultural particularism and an emphasis on 'cultural property' ....

Defining citizenship for a new nation: Papua New Guinea, 1972–1974

A key part of any process of decolonisation is the need for the emerging nation to determine the rules for citizenship. In Papua New Guinea, what it meant to be a citizen was the first topic that the Constitutional Planning Committee considered when it set about its task to develop a ‘home grown’ constitution in late 1972. The process by which it first comprehended this matter and then involved thousands of Papua New Guineans in their villages, missions and schools in a territory-wide exercise in consultation forms the subject of this paper. The records of the discussions that took place between February and April of 1973 reveal much of how the criteria for membership of the national enterprise came to be established. This case study of defining citizenship in PNG demonstrates the intensive consultation of the local peoples on key issues in nation-building and reveals the high degree of Indigenous agency in the decolonisation process.

Nationalism, Britishness and Australian history: the Meaney thesis revisited

In 2001 Neville Meaney published a landmark article which questioned the place of nationalism in Australian historiography. He argued that up to the 1960s Britishness, not nationalism, was the hegemonic marker of identity for Australians, and warned that nationalist historians had fallen into the trap of writing their histories through nationalism’s own teleological imperative. This article revisits Meaney’s hegemonic claim for the role of Britishness in Australian history by arguing that he went too far. By leeching out nationalism as an ideology at play in Australian politics in the mid-twentieth century historians are in danger of taking Australian history out of its world historical context: the Age of Decolonisation.

Australians assembling

Some of the more innovative examples of recent international history writing address the growth of international and regional communities that emerged through the regular meetings of diplomats and bureaucrats. The trend towards multinational assembling grew particularly from the 1930s, as did diplomatic travel with the greater use of aircraft after the Second World War. This paper considers the role of Australian diplomats amongst others overseas. It focuses on the case of Percy Spender, Australia’s Ambassador to the United States in the 1950s, in the context of overlapping worlds: the British world in an era of decolonisation; the insistent internationalism of the United Nations; and the world of Cold War logic. The author suggests that, amidst debates about Britishness, nationalism and transnationalism, the story of Spender in Washington and Latin America highlights why life stories and social histories remain important for debates about Australia and Australians in the world.

UnitingWorld : Partnership for effective involvement in mission including development

This chapter argues that, both theologically and practically, development is a form of mission and therefore dividing 'mission' and 'development' is artificial. A theological understanding of mission clearly incorporates upholding rights especially of people most excluded and vulnerable, the core task of development.One church agency involved in both development and supporting partners in communicating the gospel is UnitingWorld – the national agency of the Uniting Church in Australia responsible for international partnerships including development. The Uniting Church was formed in 1977 from the merging of three denominations, all of which had a long history of overseas engagement – for example with Fiji since 1844 and Korea since 1889. Such partnerships have endured and spread to the point where the Uniting Church now has thirty six formal partners, mainly in the Pacific and Asia.Over the past 20 years, a range of social trends, such as decolonisation, climate change, and increased global commitment to justice, as well as changes in missiological thinking, have influenced collaboration with indigenous churches as well as organisations not explicitly Christian.Recolonising approaches by international inter-government bodies and by the Australian government through promoting predominantly western neo-liberal economic values to neighbours, invites the church to collaborate in valuing partner cultures, spiritualities, values and world-views. For UnitingWorld this is most evident in its Pacific engagement, especially with programs arising from the Pacific Conference of Churches.These factors have further relativised the tensions between what was seen as “mission” and what was seen as “development”. Evangelism as communication of good news exhibits a different hue – now coming out of the natural conversations between partners and speaking of God’s life- giving alternatives to destructive social and economic models. Whilst development is inherent in mission, the major challenge faced by UnitingWorld is with Protestant partners strongly influenced by an era of church teaching that emphasised personal commitment tied to distinctive religious expressions.In this chapter we use case studies from the Pacific to show how UnitingWorld is partnering with a range of church and other organisations to support people in exercising their rights and re-engaging Australian church communities in this task.

A mission divided race, culture and colonialism in Fiji’s Methodist mission

This book provides insight into the long process of decolonisation within the Methodist Overseas Missions of Australasia, a colonial institution that operated in the British colony of Fiji. The mission was a site of work for Europeans, Fijians and Indo-Fijians, but each community operated separately, as the mission was divided along ethnic lines in 1901. This book outlines the colonial concepts of race and culture, as well as antagonism over land and labour, that were used to justify this separation. Recounting the stories told by the mission’s leadership, including missionaries and ministers, to its grassroots membership, this book draws on archival and ethnographic research to reveal the emergence of ethno-nationalisms in Fiji, the legacies of which are still being managed in the post-colonial state today.

The last of Australian imperial dreams for the Southwest Pacific: Paul Hasluck, the Department of Territories and a Greater Melanesia in 1960

This paper is a study of the vision held at the beginning of the 1960s by Paul Hasluck, the minister for external territories, and his department of the path to decolonisation for Melanesia. Faced by the ongoing West New Guinea crisis, Hasluck and his officials proposed to keep the western part of New Guinea out of Indonesian hands by expanding Australia’s empire, step by step, to include most of Melanesia. This greater Melanesian empire would eventually be guided to self-government. The proposal stood in a long line of ideas by Pacific-minded Australians going back for 100 years for an expanded Australian empire in the southwest Pacific. Consequently the Menzies cabinet’s rejection of Hasluck’s proposal was not just an important step towards changing its policy towards WNG; it marked the end to a century of Australian dreams and designs of a greater formal empire in the southwest Pacific.